Revolutionary events in Georgia have already been compared multiple times to the Ukrainian events during the Revolution of Dignity. The key difference is that all of Georgia has a smaller population than Kyiv and its surrounding region. Currently, the people of Georgia continue to fight against election falsifications and the rollback of European integration by the current government, as well as attempts to introduce the so-called “Russian law.” People are being dispersed by water cannons and threatened; some have lost their jobs or the ability to do business, and some have left the country. However, many young people are standing on the barricades, a completely different generation: they were not born in the USSR, their childhood was spent during the Russian occupation in 2008, they think openly, know multiple languages, and have a quality education. Most importantly, they have no intention of leaving their beloved Georgia, a country that is theirs and they are proud of.
The Lighthouse magazine spoke to Sesili Loria, a young activist and student from Georgia, about her decision to participate in the protests, the threat to the country’s sovereignty, Georgia’s future, and the parallels with the Ukrainian experience.
— Sesil, let’s find out the entire story from the beginning of the protests. Where did it all start?
The event took place during the elections for a new parliament in Georgia. Society was eager for the opposition to gain significant power over the ruling party dominating the current parliament. The goal was to establish a high-quality, democratic parliament with a balanced representation from various parties, ensuring that no single party held absolute power.
To achieve this, many opposition parties collaborated. While it was understood that the opposition might not secure a majority, there was hope that they could gain more seats than those held by the ruling party, “Georgian Dream.” Extensive research was conducted on voter preferences, but the electoral process was rigid and challenging. Many voters feared losing their jobs if they chose to back the opposition.
The voting system was new and controversial. It used computers that functioned like voting machines, but the process was not anonymous; voters were observed marking their chosen candidates. Numerous issues arose, prompting us to investigate the problems at polling stations nationwide.
We discovered numerous people aggressively tampering with the vote-counting machines meant to tally votes manually. Additionally, there were significant challenges in rural areas, as the electronic voting system had only been introduced in urban centres, leaving villages without the necessary resources to implement it. For example, 500 people were registered to vote in one case, yet the ruling party reported receiving over 600 votes. How could that be possible?
— We had very similar manipulations in 2004 in Ukraine….We began by declaring that the parliament is illegitimate. However, this situation arose unfairly due to their significant influence over law enforcement and advocacy. They started manipulating statistics that they fabricated themselves, positioning themselves within the parliament without any legitimate authority. This was occurring by the end of October 2024, and the public was extremely angry, primarily due to the corrupt elections that facilitated this situation.
Pro-government parties have been in power for four years, and this is the third time they have won a majority. The people no longer want them, and several organizations have submitted official documents claiming that the elections were rigged, votes were stolen, and the outcomes were unjust. We demand new elections; this is why we are fighting. This parliament is illegal, as it maintains its power through support from security forces, the army, and other law enforcement agencies.
Imagine that only one party represents the parliament when there were supposed to be many. They have begun to impose laws that the public opposes, such as the foreign agent law, often called “the Russian Law.” This law originated years ago in Russia and has now evolved into a law prohibiting individuals with salaries funded by the European Union or other countries from voting. This is why we are deeply concerned. We did not want our legal system to reach that stage, yet they passed this bill.
The most triggering event for Georgian society was the announcement by our Prime Minister that our country would cease diplomatic relations with the European Union until 2028.
— Does it mean the government will remain the same?
We are facing another four years under their rule, which is deeply concerning. The Prime Minister announced that we will no longer accept any funding from the European Union. For a small country like ours, that funding is essential. Every school that boasts quality books and systems, every small business that has received assistance, and every historic building that has been preserved has benefited from EU funding. We have received millions of Euros to help sustain our country, and many people are unaware of these vital details.
Our nation relies on this funding to survive. Rejecting it sends a message that we do not want anything to do with the European Union and, more troublingly, that we do not need this crucial support. This behaviour feels very suspicious.
Adding to our concerns is that the individual behind these decisions is an oligarch who financially supported this party to further his ambitions. Years ago, he led a movement that increased his popularity and garnered significant votes, but he was corrupt and exploited his position for personal gain. Now, an uneducated man who does not even possess a high school diploma has been promoted to the presidency (from December 29, 2024, the post is held by Mikheil Kavelashvili, a former Georgian football player and politician — Ed.). He lacks a university degree or formal education in politics or law, typically expected for such a high office.
Historically, there has never been an uneducated president in Georgia. We do not want to be represented by someone known for swearing in parliament and playing football. When we refer to the Prime Minister (Irakli Kobakhidze, Prime Minister of Georgia since February 8, 2024, leader of the Georgian Dream party – Ed.), we consider him illegitimate because no one believes the elections were conducted fairly.
Massive protests erupted by the end of November, escalating into physical confrontations. We were provoked by issues such as “the Russian law,” a questionable parliament, stolen elections, an uneducated president, and a Prime Minister’s declaration that we will not engage with the EU for the next four years.
— When did you go to the protest for the first time? Do you remember your feelings? What did you see then?
This was not our first protest; we have advocated for change in this country for many years. In March and April, we underwent a similar process regarding Russian Law. A couple of years ago, the parliament initially tried to pass this law, but they had to back down due to our protests. However, years later, they proposed the Russian Law again, and this time, they passed the bill. This prompted us to start protesting once more.
I was in Poland participating in the Erasmus project when I felt a strong urge to return home with only two days left of my program. By the time I arrived, the protest had already begun. My sister, family members, friends, and my boyfriend were all in the streets, and not only them but thousands of people were protesting. I empathize with my fellow Georgians; when we feel that our dignity and identity are threatened, it becomes instinctual to fight for them. For us, identity is one of our highest values. We take pride in being who we are, and when that pride is under threat, many people will instinctively come out to protest.
Our leaders, who had been imposed upon us, officially rejected the European Union, even though they knew that a partnership with the EU had been our goal for many years. We have been forced to sever diplomatic relations with them, which is incredibly upsetting. People took to the streets, blocking roads to protest, and I joined them in this movement.
— How has the Georgian media reacted?
There are two types of mass media in the country: one is aligned with the “Georgian Dream” party, which promotes narratives against people who protest, labelling us as “libero-fascists” and calling us gay, among other derogatory terms. Overall, they create an image of us as aggressive, suggesting that they will help capture us and put us in jail. The media falsifies the number of people protesting and produces fake images of protests and protesters.
However, there is also opposition media that faces threats. Several of these media outlets have had their funding suppressed or halted, and many of the directors who support the free press are harassed by the party we are fighting against. Their goal is to shut down all opposition media. Consequently, the opposition media are struggling financially, and we are doing what we can to help them survive, as we rely on a free press to share accurate and truthful information. Information spreads easily in our country through social media, such as Facebook pages dedicated to our cause. People regularly stream stories to illustrate the truth. Additionally, there are TV channels for opposition parties.
This is not the first time we have protested in front of the parliament. April 9th is one of the most important dates in our history because, after the Soviet Union ended, many young people in my country began protesting to secure our freedom. Russian troops came and killed many Georgian people in their attempt to suppress our protests. It feels ironic that statues commemorate April 9th in front of the parliament since it is a very symbolic place representing unity among us. This demonstrates the circle of history. Almost every young person in Georgia and I understand the consequences we will face if we do not start protesting.
When we protest, it raises awareness. Standing alongside people with the same beliefs and ideology feels right and empowering, even if we do not achieve a specific goal. As I mentioned, it is instinctual. We dress as if we are in the army. Our winters are usually not extremely cold, but temperatures dropped to between -5 and -10 degrees Celsius this year, making standing outside punishingly cold. We had to wear many layers of clothing.
— How organised is the protest itself?
We don’t have a specific leader or party; everyone involved is a leader in their own right. People naturally take on specific roles: some make tea and coffee, while younger individuals who are physically fit and strong are on the front lines. For example, my sister is a lawyer who understands propaganda and the language used to deceive the masses. They help by spreading awareness about misinformation and by working to remove channels that broadcast harmful propaganda against us.
Some people cannot attend protests at night due to health issues or family responsibilities, so they participate in the morning. This organisation happens organically; we call it “self-protection.” Hope, pride, and a deep willingness to fight for our country are rooted in our love for it. We are motivated by love — we love our country our history, and we want to see progress. We were not born into the Soviet Union like previous generations, and we didn’t have to witness the violence that the system inflicted on our parents and grandparents. However, we learned from them about the damaging effects of that system.
Previous generations who grew up in the Soviet Union were not educated about the USA and Europe; they only learned about Moscow and Saint Petersburg. They had little opportunity to travel and were heavily brainwashed. We still see the lingering effects of those times. We say, “Never again to the USSR.” Just standing there while protesting feels uplifting. I look around at the people, observe their determined expressions, and see that we are unafraid.
Over 40 individuals are in jail, yet they demonstrate remarkable resilience, strength, and support from behind bars. I find sleeping hard if I don’t participate in the protests; it has become intoxicating. My people need me. We even celebrated the New Year in the streets, helping one another by preparing and sharing food with those in need. Many stray dogs roam the streets, and we also care for them. It’s like a close-knit community of people with shared goals and ideologies fighting for what is right.
Several of my friends, who are typically introverted and had never protested before, joined in during these movements.
— Have you personally faced any intimidation or objections regarding your participation in protests — either from your university or other authorities?
Such incidents are becoming increasingly common in our country. For instance, toward the end of 2024, a policeman stopped us as we returned home from a protest. He questioned us about our destination, and when we replied, “Home,” he followed up by asking, “Do you live here?” This kind of suspicious behaviour occurs frequently.
There is also pressure from individuals who are not law enforcement personnel — simply hired people who aim to intimidate us physically. Their objective is to find and confront protesters, which is extremely demoralising. Many individuals genuinely fear for their safety in these situations. My sister experienced direct intimidation. While crossing the border into our country, she was stopped and questioned illegally about her origins and the contents of her belongings. They held her for nine hours, treating her poorly and not even offering her a glass of water or a seat. Despite the mistreatment, she remained calm out of fear of potential repercussions.
Social media is heavily monitored and used as a tool for intimidation. People receive threatening messages implying that serious consequences will follow if they participate in a protest. Each time law enforcement captures someone, they exhibit threatening behaviour. Although I haven’t personally been beaten by the police, I have faced tear gas and high-pressure water hoses. Even carrying a flag of Georgia or the European Union can provoke an aggressive response, as law enforcement tends to seize the flag and assault the person holding it.
Authorities actively work to prevent people from attending protests, although such actions are illegal. Laws have even been enacted making wearing masks or face coverings illegal, particularly near the parliament.
Several individuals have lost their jobs due to their participation in protests. I no longer have a job myself and am thus not under threat of losing one, but many people have faced unemployment as a result of protesting. This situation can lead to demotivation and doubt among protesters, making them question whether their actions will yield results. It can also create uncertainty about whether the current parliament truly supports pro-European values, leading to frustrations about protesting without a clear purpose.
The government spreads this kind of rhetoric to demotivate protesters alongside the physical violence they encounter. Every time someone is apprehended by the police, they are met with the same taunting remarks: “Oh, you’re going to protest again?”
— Sessil, what is the main mood of your generation? Do you contemplate various potential negative outcomes? What would you do if you didn’t succeed?
We try to keep our expectations realistic. We constantly evaluate what is happening in our country and strongly support the sanctions. The U.S. has already sanctioned the main figure responsible for the current situation, and he will face severe financial consequences. When that happens, it’s satisfying for us, as it indicates that he will suffer, driven as he is by money, in connection with Russia and Putin.
Not a single person in my generation wants any connection with Russia. No one wishes to revisit the difficult years our grandparents endured. We are highly motivated and are developing new ways to inspire hope, organizing various marches and planning different types of protests. While we strive for peaceful demonstrations, we are also prepared to fight if there is no change. We are determined to avoid another Russian occupation, along with the severe economic consequences that would follow. Such a situation would strip us of external financial support, limit our ability to travel freely, and potentially lead to losing our visas.
If we do not persist and succeed in our protests, we could face all the negative repercussions that can befall a country.
We genuinely view this as a long-term struggle. We are uncertain whether it might conclude in March, April, or January next year. But there is no turning back. This parliament does not represent us; we must fight until the end. We oppose those who impose laws that contradict our morals and ideology — laws that would strip us of our freedoms.
— Do you have any compilations related to Ukraine?
We Georgians love Ukrainians. When we say we’re like brothers and sisters, we truly mean it; we see similarities in our histories, resilience, and shared character.
At the end of last year, one of our warriors died in the war in Ukraine. He was fighting there because he believed the Ukraine war was also our war. In addition, there was a march dedicated to one of our warriors, Tamaz Ginturi, who died after being tortured by Russians. He was a well-respected Georgian citizen among Ukrainian fighters, and they used his name as a patch on their uniforms. It’s incredibly moving for me to know that our warriors are honoured by Ukrainian fighters.
This is our struggle, yet our government and parliament use Ukraine as an example to intimidate us. They warn, “Do you want to experience war? Do you want what happened to Ukraine to happen to us?”. This threat has made us feel scared and vulnerable. However, the truth is that the war is already occurring. For example, people are being kidnapped from occupied regions, and the occupation is slowly expanding. We are determined to avoid another Russian occupation. It’s not just the 20% of our country occupied(in 2008, Russians seized Abkhazia and South Ossetia — Ed.); every region suffers.
There’s no way to turn back, and we do not want our country to face the same fate, especially since we lack sufficient resources to fight. This is why the European Union must listen to us, ensuring that the war in Ukraine is not repeated in other countries. Citizens are terrified at the thought of war in our country, which is precisely what those in power want. They use photographs of bombed churches in Ukraine to instil fear, another method of propaganda aimed at scaring us.
— I noticed you had a Christmas tree adorned with pictures and flags. During the Revolution of Dignity, we had a similar experience. How did it go for you?
We did not want our Christmas tree to be decorated, but our mayor, who represents the Georgian Dream Party, decorated it anyway. He seemed afraid of our people. He didn’t organize a concert or deliver his usual Christmas speech. Instead, he sent police officers to secretly decorate the tree around 5 a.m.
While we have a Christmas tree, it was previously decorated with pictures of those beaten and images of people with Ukrainian flags.
Many events we have seen in Ukraine are now repeating themselves in Georgia. This also happened in 2008 when the first soldiers came from Russia and occupied Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
War is not just physical; it can also be an information war. Our protests help expose misleading news and false information. The propaganda is similar. We can distinguish between legitimate information and fake news and strive to promote the truth. However, our imposed government is heavily using the situation in Ukraine to claim that the same will happen in our country if we don’t listen to them and obey. They argue that Americans are funding the war and that citizens need to be aware of this.
As a result, we have lost all respect for our government. We feel that citizens are not being represented in the way we desire.
Author: Kateryna Gladka
Editor of English language: Helen Lewis
Editor of Ukrainian language: Anastasia Zanuzdanova
Photo credit: Sesili Loria, Dato Koridze, Nika Bubashvili
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